Posted on Sunday, July 07 @ 21:30:52 PDT
Truth and consequences on the reservation--the Elouise Cobell story
AUTHOR: J. MICHAEL KENNEDY, Times Staff Writer
Reprinted under Fair Use
Elouise
Cobell heard the stories for years: the government was cheating Native
Americans on payments for land rights. She took up the cause, and now
the Blackfoot Indians are poised to reap billions.
In Blackfoot country, passing down stories from one generation to the
next is an intricate part of tribal culture. The people who live here
at the foot of the Montana Rockies pride themselves on the accuracy of
this oral tradition.
In
the spring, when the geese have returned and the first rumble of
thunder has rolled over the land, the Blackfeet begin a series of
sacred ceremonies in which the stories they tell must never be
embroidered, lest they be colored over time. Truth, they say, is the
core of their history.
On the days when Elouise Cobell drives to
the dilapidated Blackfoot reservation town of Browning, she passes a
weathered historical marker that tells part of a story. The wooden sign
marks the site of the U.S. government's first Indian office for the
Blackfoot Nation.
The marker also describes the devastating
winter of 1884, when more than 500 Blackfeet died of starvation on the
treeless, wind-swept plains where the government buildings once stood.
That
account bears little resemblance to the Indian version of this grim
tale, which has it that the U.S. Indian agent, John Young, hoarded food
that would have saved the Blackfeet. The Indians who perished were
buried in a mass grave atop what the Blackfeet reverently call Ghost
Ridge.
Cobell can see the ridge, too, each time she makes the 30-mile trip into Browning from her modest ranch south of town.
Cobell
is a Blackfoot who for nearly three decades has overseen the financial
fortunes of her people, once a feared warrior tribe that roamed the
plains before starvation, disease and the slaughter of the buffalo
reduced them to the humbling status of government wards. Now 56, this
short, slightly plump woman has lived on the reservation most of her
life.
In Browning, she spends much of her time schooling Native
Americans in the basics of starting their own businesses. On the ranch,
she shares chores with her husband, Alvin, including spreading hay for
cattle in winter when the ground is blanketed with snow.
Last
spring, during a bitter cold snap, she saved two newborn calves from
freezing by warming them in the shower. Then she took a blow dryer to
them for good measure.
As she goes about this isolated existence
just a few miles south of the Canadian border, Cobell also lives a
second life--one arising from another story handed down by generations
of Blackfeet that also is at odds with official versions of the truth.
The
tale is still being written, with Cobell emerging as the patient
warrior whose labors over the last quarter century have brought the
U.S. Interior Department to its knees. She has poised her tribe, along
with countless other Native Americans, to reap billions of dollars in
payments owed them by the government.
Cobell's office is on the
top floor of a tired two-story building painted a sickly shade of drab
olive. Many other buildings in town are worse, including a number of
boarded-up trailers on cluttered, overgrown lots.
Sidewalks
and paved roads are a recent addition to Browning. Unemployment hovers
at around 70% in winter, when construction jobs dry up and the
Blackfeet hunker down against the cold. In winter, dirty snow adds to
the forlorn scene, and it is well into May before the wildflowers bloom
and the plains turn green. On most days, a strong wind howls through
town.
But its backdrop is the soaring, snow-capped Rockies at
the gateway to Glacier National Park. It is here thatCobell first began
sorting out the mystery of the missing money.
One of eight
children in a home with no electricity, running water or telephone, she
grew up listening to stories of Baker's Massacre, in which American
soldiers slaughtered 200 Blackfeet, most of them women and children,
after ambushing them on the banks of Montana's Marias River.
She
heard other tales about how Indian children were sent off to distant
boarding schools for years at a time, where speaking their native
Piegans was cause for punishment. And, too, she heard stories of
government checks. She heard her parents wonder why those payments
never made sense.
The talk of the checks in Cobell's house was
similar to those in thousands of other homes on reservations throughout
the American West. The checks arrived sporadically and they were for
amounts no one understood.
They knew the money was payment for
land allotted to them but leased out by the government to timber,
mineral or ranching interests, but they had no luck persuading the
Interior Department or its Bureau of Indian Affairs to explain or
account for the amounts. This haphazard way of doing business is called
the Indian trust system. It is at the heart of the story.
In
1887, Congress passed a law intended to "civilize" the Indians and
dilute the tribal structure. Known as the Dawes Act, each Indian head
of household was given as much as 320 acres. But because the government
didn't believe Indians capable of managing their own affairs, they were
barred from actual ownership. The land was put in trusts, with the U.S.
government as the overseer.
The law also contained a loophole
allowing the sale of "surplus" land. Vast tracts were sold to white
settlers under that provision. By 1932, Indians had sold off 90 million
acres--about 65% of their holdings. The Interior Department supervised
the leasing of the remaining Indian land. Theoretically, the government
paid all leasing fees into Indian accounts.
But the accounting
system was sloppy and unworkable from the start and only got worse as
time went on. Checks would go unclaimed because people moved away,
leaving no forwarding address. In other cases, the land would be
divided among heirs, further complicating the bookkeeping. Also,
thousands of records were lost or destroyed, making a fair accounting
virtually impossible.
The Indians had only limited knowledge of
these government inner workings. Certainly Cobell did not. All she knew
were the stories. She tucked them away as part of the Blackfoot lore,
never imagining they would consume much of her life.
Though her
family had limited resources, Cobell's parents stressed the value of
education. When she was 4, Cobell's father took her with him when he
visited the small reservation school. She found a desk and refused to
leave until her father promised she could return the following day to
begin her formal education.
After high school, she headed for
Great Falls Commercial College and then spent two years at Montana
State University in Bozeman.
College was cut short when Cobell
returned to the reservation to care for her dying mother. Then came her
decision in 1968 to leave the reservation behind her, to move to
Seattle and begin a career. There she met Alvin, also a Blackfoot, who
made his living fishing the waters off the Alaska coast. She got a job
in the accounting department of a Seattle television station.
They had a son, Turk. Life was promising and the pay was good. She thought she was through with reservation life forever.
Funny
how things can change, though, how a chance incident can set a new
course for a life or, in this case, an entire people. On a return visit
to Montana in 1970, Alvin realized he wanted to come home. He had grown
up hunting and fishing in the mountains, and the lure of the majestic
peaks pulled him back. So the three Cobells moved back to her family's
ranch. Six years after they returned, Elouise Cobell was offered the
job as treasurer of the Blackfoot Nation. She was 30 years old.
It
was like being handed a migraine. The slipshod tribal accounting system
was, as she puts it, "in total chaos." She began slogging through the
books, such as they were, finding more questions than answers. Why, for
instance, was the Blackfoot tribal trust drawing negative interest? How
could this be when, by law, trust money must be invested by the
government in the safest securities? Why was she seeing money leaving
the tribal account when she was the only one authorized to write the
checks?
When she raised the questions with the local BIA, from
which much of the money flowed, the withering response was that she
should learn to read a financial statement.
Humiliated, Cobell
plodded on. When financial discrepancies arose--and that was often--she
would write to the Interior Department. "I'd write and write and
write," she says. "One guy hadn't paid in a year" for land he used.
"He'd gotten away with all the oil on a lease for free."
But it
wasn't as if the trusts ran her life. The ranch and the treasurer's
work added up to more than a full-time job, and as Turk grew older,
Cobell tried to be on hand to watch her son compete for his high
school's football, basketball and track teams. Turk Cobell recalls his
mother driving hundreds of miles to watch him play. "I think I can
count the number of events she missed on one hand," says Turk, now a
manager at Sunset Station Hotel and Casino in Henderson, Nev.
Though
it took years to accomplish, Cobell began making headway with the
Blackfoot tribal finances. In 1987, she was the prime mover in founding
the first tribal-owned bank in the nation, opening the door for her
people to finance their own businesses. Browning in those days was a
boarded-up disaster--far worse than today. Its residents had almost no
hope of making a living on their own.
These days, although
Browning is hardly thriving, Cobell can point to various businesses,
from the Glacier Restaurant to the Browning Video store to the Dollar
Store, that are Indian-owned. It's a start.
On the larger issue
of accounting for the individual lease money, however, Cobell was
making almost no progress. Washington virtually ignored her, even as
her people kept asking for help. Josephine Wild Gun, for instance,
asked why she was receiving less than $1,000 a year even though 7,000
acres of family land were being leased out for grazing, oil, minerals
and timber. Cobell had no answer.
After more than a decade of
frustration, she finally found a sympathetic ear. David Matheson,
deputy commissioner for Indian affairs under the first Bush
administration, was a member of Idaho's Coeur d'Alene tribe.
Unlike
other officials she had approached over the years, Matheson understood.
He remembered how his own parents and grandparents on the reservation
believed they had been ripped off in timber sales and leased land. He
also remembered how they had been warned by the BIA not to make trouble.
"The
BIA had a very prominent role in generations gone by in taking
resources from the tribes and giving them to other people," Matheson
says. "But then a generation would pass and the problems never got
resolved. We all heard it over and over again."
While Cobell had
a willing ear in Matheson, he did not have much time left at the BIA.
George Bush was ousted by Bill Clinton just a year later and Matheson
was out of a job. But before he left office, he arranged for Cobell to
meet in Washington with a group of high-ranking government officials
and banking experts.
It was a fortunate stroke, for among
those present was prominent Washington, D.C., banking lawyer Dennis
Gingold, known for his slashing take-no-prisoners style, who was there
as a favor to a friend. Gingold says he went to the session thinking he
was to meet with East Indians. "From my experience, American Indians
were not involved in banking," he recalls. "I was looking for a bunch
of people with turbans."
What he heard that day from Cobell and
others left him astonished. "I had never known this type of problem
existed," says the tough-talking Seton Hall law graduate. The status of
the Indian trusts were "a disaster," he says. "Regulators would never
allow this to go on at a bank. A bank would be shut down."
Gingold
recommended filing a lawsuit against the government. but Cobell and
others were reluctant. The cost would be enormous. Besides, Matheson's
ouster aside, the election of Clinton was cause for hope, Cobell
thought. She assumed the new president's administration would be
sympathetic.
Congress also was getting involved. In 1992, the
House Committee on Government Operations issued a scathing report
titled "Misplaced Trust: The Bureau of Indian Affairs' Mismanagement of
the Indian Trust Fund." William Clinger, a former Republican
congressman from Pennsylvania and one of the authors of the report,
says the intractability of the BIA was nothing short of stunning.
"Every
six months or so we'd haul them in again and then nothing ever
happened," he recalls. "They had the chutzpah to say 'Well, we're
working on it.' There was total incompetence in the BIA. They didn't
have the wherewithal to deal with this sort of thing."
Two years
after the report, Congress passed the landmark Indian Trust Fund
Management Reform Act, appointing a trustee to oversee straightening
out the financial mess. That trustee was veteran banker Paul Homan,
known for his ability to clean up troubled financial institutions. He
had been the CEO of four problem banks and the executive vice president
of another before coming to Washington as the president and CEO of
Riggs Bank.
Homan soon discovered the job was a nightmare.
Records were in such disarray that it was impossible to tell how many
people were due money. Of the 238,000 individual trusts Homan's crew
located, 50,000 had no addresses, which meant the money never left the
Treasury. Some 16,000 accounts had no documents at all, and 118,000
were missing crucial papers.
Given those sorry conditions, it
was reasonable to assume funds were skimmed from the trusts over the
years, Homan says. "It's akin to leaving the vault door open," he says.
"You leave it open and sooner or later it's going to tempt somebody. If
you don't have records and you don't have management, you don't have
much." Homan later resigned his post, saying Interior Secretary Bruce
Babbitt refused to give him the kind of support he needed for reforms.
Still
uncertain about filing a lawsuit, Cobell bumped into Atty. Gen. Janet
Reno at a conference. After a brief conversation, Cobell says Reno
promised to take a personal interest in the trust issue and invited her
to Washington, D.C.
As Cobell planned her trip, Gingold, long
experienced in the ways of the capital, tried to warn her that
officials can mean well, but getting results is another matter. "I told
her not to expect anything," Gingold recalls.
He was right. When Cobell arrived in Washington, Reno handed the case to a deputy without so much as a brief audience.
"It was the straw that broke the camel's back," Cobell says.
Massive
lawsuits are massively expensive, and this was one of the largest
class-action suits ever filed. To press this one would cost millions of
dollars for lawyers and court fees and expenses and, just as important,
for an army of accountants to try to sort out 100 years of sloppiness.
It was money the Blackfeet simply did not have. It was also a step some
Native Americans opposed, largely because they believe the BIA is a
friend as well as a link between two nations.
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